Maryland Politics

The Pakistanization of Maryland's Democracy (hint: it's not a good thing)

Earlier today, I completed my comprehensive exit oral exam for my master’s program in Democracy & Governance at Georgetown University.

One of the points I strongly argued in my examination is that the State of Maryland’s democracy is facing a crisis of epic proportions, and the trajectory of democratic decline and deconsolidation bears a striking resemblance to a phenomenon observed by political scientists in South Asia which I term to be Pakistanization.  This term describes the process by which a society’s elite (political and otherwise) capture industry, political institutions, media, and the judiciary, consolidating power in a way that serves their own interests at the expense of democratic norms, governance, and public welfare. Maryland, long a bastion of Democratic Party control, is increasingly exhibiting characteristics of this phenomenon, raising serious concerns about the state’s political and economic future, as well as questions as to whether the rule of law remains functional and extant within its borders.

Below, I give a brief but I think persuasive argument that Pakistanization is in full swing in Maryland, and has been for at least the past decade, though arguably it has accelerated under the tenure of Governor Wes Moore and his Lieutenant Governor Aruna Miller.

The Features of Pakistanization in Maryland

Elite Capture of Key Institutions
In Pakistan, elite capture manifests through a small class of political dynasties, security officials, and business tycoons who dominate governance and economic activity. Maryland exhibits a similar pattern through the monopolization of political and economic power by a select group of politicians and corporate interests, creating an impenetrable establishment. Legislative and executive branches are controlled by long-standing political figures who cycle through different roles within the system, with little opportunity for outsiders to break in. The judiciary and media largely serve as extensions of these entrenched interests, amplifying their narratives and shielding them from scrutiny.

 Elite Capture of the Ballot Box

Take for instance Maryland’s dubious distinction of being home to some of the most expensive electoral races in American history: in 2016, the race for Maryland’s Eight Congressional District was the most expensive in U.S. history at the time. Last year, a full third of the Maryland congressional delegation had law degrees from Harvard, and a total of half of Maryland’s federal elected officials attended an Ivy League school for some portion of their education (including an MBA at Wharton for Rep. David Trone, and an MPA from the Harvard Kennedy School for Sen. Chris Van Hollen). While the Ivy Leagues have lost some representation with Sarbanes and Trone leaving office, their replacements, Sarah Elfreth (MPP – Hopkins) and April Delaney (J.D. – Georgetown) still have fairly elite credentials (full disclosure, I too am a Hoya, and proudly note that Georgetown’s commitment to social justice runs far deeper than any other higher education institution in the land).

 But it’s not just a matter of credentialism. According to Common Cause Maryland a quarter of Maryland’s state legislators have been appointed by secretive local party boards rather than elected into their office at the first instance. This is very similar to how Pakistan’s security elites often shape legislative candidatures to their choosing in order to maintain loyalty and control over the public.

Those party boards, particularly the raucous governing body of Montgomery County’s Democratic Party, have found national and international fame in the last few years. The ex-chair of the Montgomery County Democratic Party is alleged to have threatened at least one fellow party board member to vote for candidates of the Lt. Governor’s choosing, or face their wrath. Those accusations led to a call for a boycott of party fundraising events that proved disastrous for Democratic coffers in donor rich MoCo.  

Deterioration of Quality of Life
One of the most telling signs of Pakistanization is the sharp decline in the quality of life for ordinary citizens. Maryland, despite its wealth, is experiencing increased housing insecurity, faltering public transportation, and rising crime rates. Baltimore, once an industrial powerhouse, struggles with economic stagnation and disinvestment. Even in Montgomery and Prince George’s counties—two of the state’s most economically robust regions—working-class and immigrant communities face rising living costs and diminishing public services.

According to WTOP News, crime increased for the third year in a row last year in Montgomery County. Half of Montgomery County Public Schools’ (MCPS) high schools saw a major drop in quality according to the state’s annual school report card metric in 2023. While Baltimore has seen a major drop in crime in the past year, it should be noted that carjackings, break-ins and violent crimes have seen an uptick elsewhere across the state.

Rise in Corruption and Nepotism
Maryland’s political machine operates on a system of patronage, where well-connected insiders benefit from government contracts, appointments, and policy decisions tailored to their interests. The recent FBI investigations into political corruption in Baltimore, as well as ethics scandals involving high-ranking officials, highlight the growing culture of impunity among the state’s elite. This mirrors the entrenched cronyism in Pakistan, where political figures leverage their positions to enrich themselves and their allies at the expense of governance.

Aside from the absurdity of a secretive 24-person board appointing a whopping  40+% of all of Montgomery County’s state legislators, there are other issues of nepotism at work. It is commonplace for political elites to use their influence within Maryland government circles to secure contracts for non-profits their loved ones are   employed by, or to directly influence the hiring of staff by government bodies for  their inner circles or spouses. The former practice is so common that it is termed  the Non-Profit-Political Industrial Complex by political insiders.

Corruption: Is this Maryland or a Mad Max Franchise? Film?

In the last three years: a Maryland judge has committed suicide while awaiting the FBI to arrest them on federal charges for child sexual exploitation; a popular local mayor pled guilty to 140 charges of child pornography possession; two MCPS employees were convicted of theft of state funds in the hundreds of thousands; a Montgomery County Council employee was fired after they misused over ten thousand dollars of county funds for the benefit of their spouse; another state judge was removed from the bench recently over misconduct; the ex-governor’s chief of staff was killed after a Hollywood-style shootout with federal agents on a highway (he was a fugitive facing federal corruption charges); a prosecutor was indicted (and later pled guilty to) over 80 charges of gaming the criminal prosecution system to stalk, harass and malign their ex girlfriend and the list goes on. I’ll stop here for the benefit of the reader’s sanity.

In a state with roughly  2% of the American population, that is a lot of corruption in such a short amount of time, with far more being investigated as we speak, and plenty of convictions and indictments I simply chose not to publish in this short article tonight (expect a longer one soon).

Maryland’s political elite thrive on a culture of corruption—but that too will be a later post in the series!

Monopolistic Domination of the Ballot Box

A key feature of Pakistanization is the erosion of electoral competition. In Pakistan, military-backed parties and dynastic political families suppress opposition and manipulate elections to maintain their grip on power. In Maryland, the Democratic Party has achieved near-total electoral dominance, leaving voters with little real choice. Gerrymandering, restrictive ballot access laws, and the institutionalization of party loyalty ensure that incumbents rarely face meaningful challengers. As a result, elections become performative exercises rather than genuine democratic contests.

This section requires a full post on its own (yes, it’s coming), but suffice to say Maryland’s democratic processes have become cumbersome, deliberately exclusive, and often times design to keep voters out, and electoral elites in. In the past year alone, the number of political insider scandals involving Montgomery County’s ever-troubled Democratic Party and its efforts to stage-manage democracy for the benefit of elites is fairly telling (and yes, a post on this is coming very soon).

Voter Apathy and Declining Turnout

As the political system fails to deliver meaningful change, voters disengage. The economist & political scientist Albert Hirschman’s Exit, Voice, and Loyalty framework is useful here: Marylanders, seeing no viable options for political reform, are choosing exit over voice. This can be examined through how less than half of Maryland’s voters (48%) turned out to vote in the election that put Wes Moore & Aruna Miller into office in 2021.

Less than a third of Democrats (Dems enjoy a 2:1 registration advantage in Maryland) turned out to vote in the primary election that eventually led to the election of a Lt. Governor with open associations with foreign hard-right groups (despite her repeated denials) in a state that votes less blue than only California in presidential elections. Some will argue the low electoral turnout reflects a disinterest in democracy by the electorate. I argue strenuously that it reflects a deliberate locking out of the electorate by elites (who holds a primary election in the middle of July?). As a result, voters choose to exit the electoral marketplace.

Fiscal Decline and Population Exodus

As Pakistan’s political dysfunction has driven educated professionals and businesses abroad, Maryland is experiencing its own version of brain drain. High taxes, regulatory burdens, and the cost of living are pushing residents to relocate to Virginia, Florida, and Texas. This exodus reduces the state’s tax base, putting further strain on public services and infrastructure. Moreover, Maryland’s inability to attract and retain businesses exacerbates economic stagnation, limiting opportunities for upward mobility.

Nearly 200,000 Marylanders abandoned the state in 2023 alone. It was only one of five states to have a shrinking population overall last year. The problem gets worse when we consider just who is leaving: small business owners and tax-generating wealthy Marylanders are leaving the state in droves (why that is, is beyond our scope today).

 Can Maryland Reverse Course?                 

The answer is a qualified yes, Insha’Allah. But it won’t be easy.

The Pakistanization of Maryland did not happen in a vacuum or overnight, and reversing the trend towards interminable decline will require significant structural changes.

 First, addressing the extraordinary shortcomings of the Maryland Democratic Party and its county chapters weill essential to restoring both political competition and faith that said competition isn’t being stage-managed like it is in Pakistan. This does not mean simply electing more Republicans in an effort to shore up the loyal opposition. Instead,  it means fostering a genuinely competitive political environment where independent and third-party candidates can viably challenge entrenched power, and where we see a far higher engagement at the ballot box both in primaries and general elections (closer to 60+% turnout).

 Second, the state needs systemic electoral reforms, including redistricting transparency, ranked-choice voting, and stricter anti-corruption measures. Maryland’s Office of the State Prosecutor (OSP) is routinely underfunded and often deliberately under-resourced in an effort by elites to keep politics as usual…usual. Federal agents have had to descend on the state numerous times to deal with corruption Maryland’s political elites simply benefit  directly from or don’t want to deal with. Often, the only time political elites take action is when they see some of their own breaking away from the establishment, and seek a course correction by punishing one of the own as a way to make an example out of them. That’s Pakistanization at its purest, as Pakistan’s security and political elite recently did the same to Prime Minister Imran Khan for going off-script so many times in recent years. He is now in prison on invented charges of corruption, following at least one army-sponsored assassination attempt on his life.

Finally, civic engagement must be revitalized. Marylanders need to see government as an institution that serves them, not one that exists to perpetuate a political machine. Encouraging participation in local governance, supporting independent media, and holding elected officials accountable are key to ensuring that democracy in Maryland does not succumb to the fate of Pakistanization. Indeed, while Punjabi Samosas are tasty, they should not form the basis of our governance structure.

 The symptoms of Pakistanization are clear, but there is still an opportunity to chart a different path—one that prioritizes good governance, political competition, and economic vitality over entrenched elite control. The question is whether Maryland’s citizens and the political elites who seek to govern them have the will to make that change before it’s too late.  

The clock is ticking.

 

A Little Good News for a Change: MoCo Is Quietly Beginning to Get Economic Development Right — Here’s What You Need to Know

MoCo doesn’t have to be buried in history as a cautionary tale.

BLUF (Bottom Line Up Front):

Montgomery County’s Economic Development Fund (EDF) is working—creating thousands of jobs, supporting small businesses, and attracting innovation-driven companies. But if we want to restore full confidence in the county’s economy and lead Maryland in business growth, we need to double down on what's working and take bold new actions—including cutting red tape, incentivizing tech startups, bringing back high-tech manufacturing, and helping small businesses afford warehouse space.

While much of the political conversation in Maryland focuses on taxes and spending, Montgomery County has been quietly—and effectively—investing in real economic growth. The latest official report on the Economic Development Fund (EDF) shows how targeted investments are paying off, helping small businesses grow, supporting good jobs, and attracting innovative companies to the area.

Here’s what you need to know—and why it matters for every resident and business in Montgomery County:

Montgomery County’s Economic Development Wins (So Far)

1. Retaining and creating thousands of local jobs

  • Over 2,400 jobs retained and created in FY2025 alone through grants and loans to major employers like Sodexo and Federal Realty.

  • A $1.3 million investment helped retain a federal lease at 5600 Fishers Lane in Rockville, preserving 2,000 high-quality jobs that could have been lost.

2. Filling empty offices and reviving urban business centers

  • Through MOVE (Make Office Vacancy Extinct), 43 businesses have been supported to move into or expand within Montgomery County—injecting life into empty office spaces.

  • Average award: $26,000 — Average leased space: 3,625 sq. ft. — Over $1.5 million invested to date.

3. Supporting small businesses in disadvantaged communities

  • Microloans, ranging from $500 to $15,000, help residents from disadvantaged areas like Silver Spring, Aspen Hill, and East County launch and grow small businesses.

  • According to the Office of Legislative Oversight, these loans reach minority, immigrant, and women entrepreneurs who often lack access to traditional bank loans.

  • Purple Line Small Business Impact Grants are providing $1,800/month to 40 businesses affected by construction, helping them survive and thrive.

4. Investing in biotech, innovation, and the future economy

  • SBIR Matching Grants are helping biotech and life sciences startups turn cutting-edge research into products, with $140,000 disbursed so far this year.

  • The Biotechnology Investor Incentive Program (BIIP) drives private investment in Montgomery County’s fast-growing biotech industry.

  • The JOBS Initiative, a $20 million fund, rewards companies for creating high-paying, permanent jobs, focusing on emerging sectors like cybersecurity, AI, and health technology.

What More Can Montgomery County Do?

To keep up this momentum—and restore full confidence in the economy—Montgomery County should build on these successes with four bold next steps:

1. Guarantee fast-track permitting for small businesses and construction

  • A "30-day permit guarantee" for small businesses would cut red tape and make Montgomery County one of the most business-friendly places in Maryland.

  • Entrepreneurs need speed, not bureaucracy to succeed.

2. Create a "Tech and Innovation Tax Credit" for AI, biotech, and cybersecurity startups

  • Compete with Northern Virginia and DC for next-gen companies and high-paying jobs.

  • Targeted tax incentives for companies creating six-figure salaries and cutting-edge solutions will keep talent and growth here.

3. Launch a "Manufacturing Montgomery" initiative for high-tech industries

  • Attract clean, high-tech manufacturing in semiconductors, batteries, and medical devices.

  • Use federal CHIPS Act and other incentives to make Montgomery County a hub for advanced manufacturing and good union jobs.

4. Establish a "Warehouse and Logistics Support Fund" for small businesses

  • Subsidize warehouse, storage, and light industrial space costs for small and growing businesses—especially e-commerce, distribution, and food-based startups.

  • As real estate prices rise, many small businesses can’t afford critical storage and fulfillment space—limiting their growth.

  • A warehouse fund would unlock local entrepreneurship, especially for minority-owned and immigrant-led businesses that are ready to scale but face cost barriers.

Final Takeaway: Montgomery County y Doesn’t Have to Slide into Interminable Decline

For several years now, MoCo Insiders with any sense have been accepting the reality that perhaps the county is inhabiting the worst possible timeline for itself. But it doesn’t have to be this way. The county can and should maintain a strong and vibrant commitment to pluralism, pro-labor stances, and social welfare. But it can also have a sophisticated approach to economic development and invigorating small and medium enterprises to play a vital role in our economy.

Montgomery County’s Economic Development Fund is working—helping businesses, creating jobs, and keeping innovation local. But to stay competitive and truly become Maryland's economic engine, we need to double down on what works and think even bigger.

By supporting small businesses with warehouse subsidies, fast permits, tech incentives, and modern manufacturing investments, Montgomery County can be the place where businesses choose to stay, grow, and hire local.

Further Reading — Source Documents:

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The UMBC Poll Got It Wrong. Here's Why.

UMBC’s polls is built on a tub of assumptions that include the idea that our state’s marginalized communities would willingly participate in a web-to-text poll.

Earlier this week, the UMBC Institute of Politics released a poll claiming that Maryland Governor Wes Moore enjoys a 52% approval rating among Marylanders. But as someone who attended UMBC for undergrad and now studies democracy and governance at Georgetown, I know a thing or two about polling methodologies, and this one is very flawed.

At best, the UMBC Poll presents an incomplete snapshot of public opinion; at worst, it paints a misleadingly rosy picture of Moore’s standing among Maryland voters. A closer look at its methodology and sampling bias reveals why we should be deeply skeptical of its conclusions.

1. The Poll Likely Oversampled Establishment-Linked Voters in Key Counties

The geographic distribution of respondents raises red flags. The poll sampled a fair proportion from Montgomery County (17%) and Prince George’s County (15%), which are home to large numbers of political insiders, and Maryland establishment-aligned interest groups. The Moore-Miller administration has pulled heavily from Montgomery County's legislative lineup in particular to fill senior ranks in the administration. Many of these appointments have been seen as pay-for-play.

However, these two counties are far from monolithic. Montgomery County’s UpCounty region is majority-minority and heavily immigrant, yet it routinely experiences voter turnout below 25% in Democratic primaries. These residents—many of whom have experienced government repression in their home countries—tend to be more skeptical of government agendas and unlikely to engage in web-to-text polling. Moreover, Scientific American published an insightful article in October 2024 that highlighted that American election polling has become significantly less reliable.

Yet, the poll does not adjust for the low primary turnout rates in these communities or their historical distrust of establishment-backed politicians like Moore. This self-selection bias likely tilts the sample in favor of white, establishment-linked respondents while sidelining a more representative cross-section of Maryland’s electorate.

Source: Montgomery County Board of Elections Turnout Data

2. Self-Selection Bias Favors Pro-Governor Respondents

The mode of data collection is another major issue. The UMBC Poll used a mix of live-interviewer phone calls (17%) and text-to-web responses (56%), a format that skews toward politically engaged, higher-trusting, and establishment-aligned respondents.

Why does this matter? Immigrant-heavy communities, particularly in UpCounty Montgomery and many parts of Prince George’s, have long histories of over-policing, government surveillance, and political repression. As a result, residents in these communities are likely to be wary of responding to government-adjacent surveys—especially through traceable digital platforms like text-to-web, which was highly relied upon by the pollsters.

This creates a massive self-selection bias, where the respondents most likely to trust government and approve of Moore are overrepresented, while those more skeptical or disengaged are effectively excluded.

Source: Pew Research on Digital Polling Bias

3. The Question Order and Wording Skew Responses

Even before considering the sample issues, the way the survey questions were asked could have inflated Moore’s approval rating.

  • The poll asked whether respondents approve of how Moore is handling his job—but without specifying what aspects of his governance were being evaluated.

  • Respondents were not given a neutral option, meaning those who might otherwise say “I don’t know” were forced into an approval/disapproval binary, which inflates approval among disengaged voters.

  • The only option available to reflect neutrality were “Don’t Know” or “Refused to Answer”. This again suggests an inherent bias by those conducting the poll.

  • Pollsters often prime respondents by placing approval questions after more neutral or positive framing. Without seeing the full question order, we can’t rule out order effects artificially boosting Moore’s approval.

Source: American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR) on Question Bias

4. The Poll Contradicts Economic Sentiment and Misrepresents Working-Class Voters

Perhaps the biggest reason to question Moore’s supposed 52% approval is that it doesn’t align with economic sentiment in the same poll:

  • 67% of Marylanders say the economy is poor or fair.

  • 49% say the state is on the wrong track, compared to just 42% who say it’s moving in the right direction.

  • The majority of respondents earn over $75,000, with 32% making over $125,000. Lower-income voters—who are most impacted by economic downturns and tend to be more skeptical of establishment politicians—appear underrepresented in the poll.

If nearly half of Marylanders think the state is heading in the wrong direction, why would a majority approve of the governor’s performance? The answer likely lies in the sampling and response bias discussed earlier. Moore’s real approval rating may be far lower among the broader electorate, particularly among working-class and immigrant communities who feel left behind.

Source: Scientific American on Polling Accuracy

5. The UMBC Poll Is a New and Unproven Operation

The UMBC Institute of Politics only launched its polling operation in August 2024, meaning this is only their second statewide poll.

  • Their methodologies and sampling techniques are still being refined, and with such a limited track record, it’s difficult to assess their reliability.

  • This lack of historical polling data makes it hard to determine whether their margins of error and weighting techniques are sound.

Conclusion: A Poll That Misses the Bigger Picture

Polling is only as good as its methodology, and the UMBC Poll fails to capture the full reality of Maryland’s political landscape. By oversampling party loyalist hotzones, underrepresenting skeptical immigrant communities, and relying on a response-biased methodology, the poll creates an illusion of broad support for Wes Moore that likely does not exist.

If UMBC wants to be taken seriously as an institution producing credible political research, it must acknowledge and correct these deep methodological flaws in future polling. Until then, take its 52% approval rating with a tablespoon of salt.

Source: UMBC Poll Methodology Statement

DDA Manual Changes: A Threat to Self-Directed Care and Fair Wages

The recent revisions to the Developmental Disabilities Administration (DDA) Manual—implemented in November 2024—are sending shockwaves through Maryland’s self-directed care community. Following the bait-and-switch tactics on funding we exposed earlier in Maryland’s Bait-and-Switch on Disability Funding: Don’t Be Fooled, it now appears that drastic cost-saving measures are not limited to short-term budget gimmicks but extend to the very core of service delivery: the wages and working conditions of self-directed services (SDS) staff, particularly the Direct Support Professionals (DSPs) who deliver daily care.

A Cost-Cutting Playbook That Endangers Quality of Care

Under the Moore-Miller administration’s agenda, the latest changes to the DDA Manual threaten to reduce wages for DSPs as part of a broader cost-saving strategy. These DSPs are not unskilled, minimum-wage workers; they are highly trained professionals essential to maintaining the quality and continuity of care for individuals with developmental disabilities.

A recent letter from a respected law firm on behalf of the Self-Directed Advocacy Network of Maryland (SDAN) laid bare the risks inherent in these measures. The letter detailed how reducing wages and curbing cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) could lead to:

  • Catastrophic Staff Loss: If wages are cut below the dollar amounts noted below, there will be a sudden, severe exodus of experienced and skilled caregivers, undermining service continuity for thousands of Marylanders with developmental disabilities.

  • Threats to Health and Safety: With fewer resources to recruit and retain well-trained staff, the safety and well-being of individuals relying on these services are at risk.

  • Increased Operational Costs: Short-term savings may lead to higher long-term expenses through increased turnover, repeated training, and diminished care quality.

What Do These Wage Cuts Mean in Real Terms?

For many DSPs, a “living wage” isn’t just a number—it’s the baseline required to cover housing, food, transportation, healthcare, and other essentials. According to the MIT Living Wage Calculator for a family of one adult with two children, the estimated hourly living wages in Maryland’s most populous jurisdictions are approximately:

  • Montgomery County: $32.00 per hour

  • Howard County: $31.00 per hour

  • Baltimore County: $30.00 per hour

  • Baltimore City: $30.00 per hour

  • Prince George’s County: $30.50 per hour

  • Frederick County: $29.00 per hour

Assuming full-time work at 40 hours per week (2,080 hours per year), these rates translate into annual incomes of roughly:

  • Montgomery County: $66,560 per year

  • Howard County: $64,480 per year

  • Baltimore County: $62,400 per year

  • Baltimore City: $62,400 per year

  • Prince George’s County: $63,440 per year

  • Frederick County: $60,320 per year

These figures starkly illustrate that DSPs require wages significantly above current baselines to meet the true cost of living for a family. Failure to maintain these levels means risking not only financial insecurity for caregivers but also a catastrophic loss of the skilled workforce essential for quality, self-directed care.

The Real Faces Behind the Numbers

It is crucial to recognize that a significant portion of the caregiving staff are immigrant mothers of color — many of whom are raising one to two children while working these demanding jobs. These women are not only the backbone of self-directed care—they are also striving to support their own families under challenging economic circumstances. The undervaluation of their labor, combined with Maryland’s high cost of living, underscores the profound injustice of any wage cuts. Such reductions directly threaten their ability to provide for their children and themselves while continuing to deliver essential, round-the-clock care.

Comparing Workloads: DSPs vs. State Legislators

In stark contrast, Maryland state legislators have historically earned modest salaries relative to the intensive, full-year work of DSPs. For example, between 2010 and 2014, the base annual salary for a legislator was $43,500—with the Senate President and House Speaker earning $56,500 in 2010. Following recommended increases, from 2015 through 2018, legislator salaries rose incrementally—from $45,207 to $50,330 for general legislators, and from $58,718 to $65,371 for the Senate President and House Speaker. For the period 2019 through 2023, salaries have remained at these 2018 levels, as detailed in the Maryland Manual: General Assembly Compensation

Importantly, these legislative salaries are awarded for a very stressful and demanding yet still part-time role: Maryland’s legislators are in session full time for only about three months each year, with the remaining nine months involving much lighter (yet still significant) duties. Meanwhile, DSPs and caregivers work 12 months a year. Their roles extend far beyond a short legislative session, encompassing round-the-clock care that is both physically and emotionally taxing. DSPs routinely handle:

  • Complex Health Challenges: Managing conditions such as severe allergies, seizures, and communication impairments.

  • Essential Daily Support: Providing assistance with mobility, transportation, meal preparation, personal hygiene (including showering and grooming), and household tasks.

  • Emotional and Crisis Management: Addressing emergencies and unexpected changes in a client’s health or behavior without backup.

This continuous, intensive workload—often under significant personal risk and with limited support—demonstrates that the value of DSPs far exceeds that of any part-time public service role. While legislators face extraordinary pressure during their short sessions, caregivers, including many immigrant mothers of color, shoulder unrelenting demands every day of the year.

A Manual Without a Public Mandate

The changes in the DDA Manual were introduced without the proper stakeholder engagement mandated by Maryland’s Administrative Procedure Act. Instead of a collaborative review, these revisions—ranging from budget allocation inflexibility to unauthorized restrictions on DSPs’ employer authority—were pushed through with little to no public input. The result is a policy document that not only contravenes the spirit of the Self-Direction Act of 2022 but also places participants and their support teams in a precarious position.

Key issues outlined in the letter include:

  • Unilateral Policy Shifts: The DDA abandoned established practices, such as objective criteria for personal supports enhanced (PSE), replacing them with opaque, subjective measures.

  • Erosion of Participant Autonomy: By limiting the ability to adjust budgets or set competitive wages, the revisions strip away the fundamental principle of self-directed care: the participant’s right to control their own services.

  • Lack of Transparency: Participants are now left in the dark about critical changes affecting their Long Term Services and Supports (LTSS) plans, undermining trust in an already strained system.

The Human Toll of Cost-Saving Measures

Behind every policy revision are real people facing real consequences. The threatened wage cuts are not merely a fiscal maneuver; they represent a direct assault on the dignity and quality of life for those who depend on self-directed care. Families and caregivers are already feeling the impact—when a program director recently broke down on the phone while explaining to a client that services would soon be curtailed, it underscored that these are not abstract numbers on a budget, but lifelines for vulnerable citizens.

The administration’s approach—favoring short-term cost savings over comprehensive, participant-driven solutions—reflects a dangerous prioritization of political expediency over long-term care quality. With the looming risk of losing skilled DSPs, the very infrastructure of community-based care is at stake.

A Call for Accountability and Immediate Action

It is time for the DDA to reverse course. The agency must:

  • Engage Stakeholders: Reinstate a transparent, collaborative process that involves all affected parties—participants, DSPs, and advocacy groups—in policy revisions.

  • Reaffirm Participant Rights: Restore full budgetary and employer authority to participants, ensuring that wage decisions reflect both market realities and the high cost of living in Maryland.

  • Maintain the Current Wage Structure: Under no circumstances should the DDA consider any modifications to the established wage structure for DSPs.

  • Clarify and Retract Harmful Policies: Provide clear, objective criteria for service determinations and eliminate any practices that resemble unauthorized competency assessments.

Despite repeated attempts to engage the DDA—most notably through the detailed letter from SDAN’s legal team—the agency has yet to respond. This silence, in the face of clear evidence of harm, is unacceptable and must be met with immediate accountability from state leadership.

Conclusion

Maryland’s self-directed care model is under assault. The DDA’s unilateral revisions to the November 2024 Manual, coupled with threatened wage cuts for SDS staff, are not just bureaucratic missteps; they are a direct threat to the autonomy, dignity, and quality of life for Marylanders with developmental disabilities. As we continue to hold the Moore-Miller administration accountable, the disabilities community and its advocates stand united in demanding fair treatment, transparent governance, and, above all, the preservation of a system designed to empower its most vulnerable citizens.

We can do better, Maryland. Contact your state legislators and ask them to protect Maryland’s most vulnerable citizens from the Moore-Miller administration’s money grab tactics.

Maryland’s Bait-and-Switch on Disability Funding: Don’t Be Fooled

The Moore-Miller administration is engaging in a deliberate misinformation campaign regarding their so-called restoration of funding for the Developmental Disabilities Administration (DDA). Their latest press release claims that they are only cutting funding for Fiscal Year (FY) 2025 by 6%. To the untrained eye, that might seem like a reasonable compromise. But let’s break this down.

Maryland’s fiscal year ends on June 30. This means that this “restored” funding only extends for four more months—until June 30, 2025. What happens after that? FY 2026 begins on July 1, and the Moore-Miller administration has conveniently ignored that looming reality. There has been no commitment to restoring full funding beyond this brief window.

The Developmental Disabilities Administration (DDA) is Maryland's primary state agency responsible for funding community-based services for individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities. Established to ensure that these individuals have the support needed to lead fulfilling lives, the DDA collaborates with various stakeholders to provide resources that promote inclusion, participation, and active citizenship. In recent years, the DDA has faced significant financial challenges. Beginning in 2021, the agency started exceeding its annual budget, with notable spending surges in 2023 and 2024. Analysts have struggled to pinpoint the exact causes of this overspending, but contributing factors include new caregiver payment methods, the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, and rising program and administrative costs.

This is a classic bait-and-switch tactic. As someone who has spent my entire adult life working in Maryland politics, I can recognize the playbook: trick the disabilities community into believing that funding has been restored, run out the clock on the legislative session (and therefore the appropriations process), and then, when July rolls around, bury the issue under political distractions—most likely grandstanding against the Trump administration. By then, it will be too late. The General Assembly will be out of session, meaning there will be no immediate way to allocate more money for DDA programs.

I am a Democrat. When I ran for office, I was endorsed by progressive organizations, labor unions, and immigrant rights groups in part because of my fierce advocacy for disability funding and caregiver rights. I also personally know many people working in this administration. In good faith, I have remained silent on many political matters, hoping that—despite being some of the worst people I know—they would at least govern well.

But this is unacceptable. These are real people’s lives. Not being able to pay caregivers a living wage means families like mine will be forced to make impossible choices—giving up careers, sacrificing financial stability, and struggling to provide 24/7 care that no single person can reasonably handle alone.

Just last week, a program director broke down crying on the phone with me for an entire hour. They had to inform disabled clients that their DDA-funded services would soon disappear. Many of these individuals can barely speak, feed themselves, or move independently. They are disabled for life. The programs that serve them are not luxuries; they are lifelines. They provide dignity, community, and inclusion. The Moore-Miller administration is willing to rip all of that away—unless the press and grassroots activists fighting them today continue to hold their feet to the fire.

Let’s be clear: the Moore-Miller administration’s latest announcement is dishonest, manipulative, and condescending. This is nothing more than performative virtue signaling, meant to pacify critics without making any real commitment to our most vulnerable citizens.

We in the disabilities community will not be fooled. Additionally, I fear that by speaking out, my own family may face retaliation. My siblings, who rely on DDA-funded services, could be targeted through bureaucratic neglect or delays as a way to silence me. This would be an unforgivable abuse of power, and I will be watching closely for any signs of retribution.

Do better, Wes Moore and Aruna Miller. Not everything in life is a photo op.

For more detailed information on this ongoing issue, consider reviewing the following articles:

These sources provide comprehensive insights into the challenges facing the DDA and the potential impact of the proposed budget cuts on Maryland's disability community.